The Somali Context: Socio-historical perspectives on Somali Nomads
It is imperative to examine the Somali state crisis through the dimensions of the region’s culture and history so as to best understand the political developments in today’s Somaliland. Somali society is defined through the interaction of aggregated kinship relations; Somali customary law; Islamic practices; and communal conflict mediations. The pastoral nomads of northern Somalia maintain a clan-based traditional socio-political structure that emphasizes cooperation and mediation. While men are largely considered equals amongst one another, women are often restricted from formal political participation. Somali identity is further influenced by rich Muslim influences as the region “boast[s] one of the highest percentages of adherence to Islam anywhere in the world” (‘Ali ‘Abdirahman Hersi 2009, cited in Jhazbhay 2008:176). The region’s devotion to religion is also mixed with an unusual degree of pragmatism and flexibility, due in large part to the demands and inconsistencies of the pastoral lifestyle (Samatar 1988).
Clan System
Somalis use a tiered clan system to define political and social communities and identities. Kinship relations are established through a common male ancestor in each respective genealogical tree, aggregating upwards from the immediate family all the way through to one of the five major clan families (Darod, Dir, Hawiye, Issaq, and Rahanweyn). The diya-paying group is the basic unit within this structure and comprises a collection of men and women who share not only a common male ancestor but also a collective responsibility for all members of their diya i.e. the sub-clan. Clan orientation is patrilineal; women hold a marginalized but important ‘dual clan’ status as they are aligned with both their father’s and son’s clans. Regardless of personal acquaintances, Somalis can invoke their clan ties with one another on any of the layered aggregations, fostering mutual dependence and support amongst those who share a common ancestor both within immediate and extended communities. As nomadic pastoralists who survive solely on trading and selling livestock, this layered organization protects communities during periods of drought or famine through shared obligations.
While religion and territory play significant roles in influencing intracommunity relations, clan identity is the primary locus of identity formation, economic activity and political associations (Harris 2011; Logan 2002; and Walls 2011). While clan-based relations have played an important role throughout Somalia’s development, it is important to note that clanship relations are neither defined nor static and acquire meaning within a fluid and specific context. Further, individual identity is not solely limited to clan lineage and can also be traced to Islamic influences and territorial roots (Kapteijns 2011).
Xeer
Another fundamental component of the Somali social and political order is the xeer, an unwritten social contract between any two units within the Somali kinship system. These social contracts often outline specific rules pertaining to compensation for injuries or damages (both inflicted by and occurring within a group) or future relations between two conflicting parties. Xeer agreements range from explicit terms to mutual understandings, providing the flexibility needed to account for the inconsistencies of nomadic life. By superseding clan relations, xeer contracts inherently minimize conflict between different communities. Similar to the kinship system, xeer engenders mutual dependence and reciprocity between the two parties to fundamentally ensure the survival of both communities. These contracts are critical in determining the peaceful co-management of Somalia’s limited but crucial water supplies and grazing fields.
Shir
The clan system and xeer are seamlessly woven into the third significant Somali social institution, the shir. A democratic and consensus-driven community forum, shir is a diffuse, decentralized and broadly participatory system of rule (Lewis 2003). A majority opinion is necessary to obtain a verdict on any issue and consensus is mobilized through lengthy discussions between all participants. While all adult men are active stakeholders in the shir, women are excluded: their dual-clan status restricts their ability to formally participate in a shir but does allow for women to engage with male participants behind the scenes (Jhazbay 2007; Logan 2002; and Walls 2011). Gatherings are assembled on an ad hoc basis and can last from a few hours to many months, depending on the complexity and gravity of the debate. The size of the shir also varies to account for the number of constituents and clan aggregations involved (the larger the aggregation, the larger the shir). When inconvenient to have all men formally participate in the shir, local communities nominate unofficial representatives to speak on their behalf. While not bestowed with any additional political powers, these leaders can often mobilize the most support amongst their kin. Shir are called to address any major decision that would impact a community, whether it concerns the distribution of resources, creation of laws, or, most importantly, resolving conflicts.
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