Conclusions
The series of democratic elections since 2002 have brought significant changes to the political system in Somaliland. They have served to consolidate Somaliland as a territorially-defined political entity, with all the regions within its borders (with the exception of Sool and eastern Sanaag) having elected councils and elected representatives in government. The introduction of universal suffrage and the creation of political parties that are not based on clan mark a significant attempt to change the system of kinship-based politics. The achievements in Somaliland are in many ways remarkable in a region more often associated with authoritarian regimes and conflict.
There are however challenges looming over Somaliland’s new democracy. Somaliland’s political parties are weak, due to their young age, lack of resources, and lack of ideology. The continuing influence of clan politics is clear. While this ensures extensive political participation, it also weakens the function of the political parties. This is unlikely to change while the rural population remains outside the political discussions. Factors as the lack of party funding for candidates (creating dependency on funds provided by clan), young and fragile party organizations, lack of media channels to channel the themes of political discussions to the countryside, will contribute to a large group of clan-focused voters in Somaliland. If the Somaliland media fails to politicize the rural population, their electoral choices will be influenced by the clan and the gifts they bestow, in this sense Somaliland might fail to politicize its electorate, they will be kept outside the political discussions, only aware of clan factors. As a result, significant segments of the Somaliland population failed to participate in the elections and are not well represented in the parliament.
The adoption of the winner-takes-all majoritarian electoral system has done nothing to enhance the political participation of women and the representation of minority clans. A lack of resources and a robust legal framework restricts the ability of the media to play a role in safeguarding civil liberties. This all means that Somaliland’s fledgling democracy could unravel. As Charles Tilly (2003:37) has commented, ‘contrary to the comforting image of democracy as a secure cave into which people can retreat forever from the buffering of political storms, most regimes that have taken significant steps toward democracies for the last two centuries have later democratized, at least temporarily’.
The experiences of neighboring countries, as well as the history of the Somali Republic, indicate that this potential ‘de-democratization’ need to be addressed. Somaliland’s solutions might also be interesting in a region with many political systems facing similar challenges; hopefully, Somaliland can show the way to handle such problems. Indeed it must address these issues, or it might follow the many negative examples of other entities in the region.
Stig Jarle Hansen & Mark Bradbury are consultant social analysts to international aid organizations; e-mail: doktor04no@yahoo.no.
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