DJIBOUTI — Djibouti’s parliament has unanimously voted to abolish the constitutional age limit for presidential candidates, effectively paving the way for 77-year-old President Ismail Omar Guelleh to extend his 26-year rule and seek a sixth term in 2026.
The measure, approved Sunday by all 65 lawmakers present, eliminates a rule Guelleh himself introduced in 2010 that barred anyone over the age of 75 from holding the presidency. The amendment must still pass a second and final vote expected in November, though few expect resistance in a legislature dominated by the ruling People’s Rally for Progress party.
“All I can tell you is that I love my country too much to embark on an irresponsible adventure and be the cause of divisions,” Guelleh told Jeune Afrique magazine earlier this year, in a statement widely interpreted as signaling his intent to remain in power.
Stability or Entrenchment
Supporters of the amendment defended it as necessary to maintain political stability in a region beset by conflict and coups. National Assembly Speaker Dileita Mohamed Dileita claimed that “more than 80 percent” of citizens backed the move — a figure that cannot be independently verified in a nation where public dissent is tightly controlled and the media operates under severe restrictions.
“This revision ensures continuity at a time when our region faces unprecedented instability,” Dileita said during the session.
Rights groups, however, denounced the decision as a blatant step toward a presidency for life.
“This revision prepares a presidency for life,” said Omar Ali Ewado, president of the Djiboutian League for Human Rights, in an interview. “Djibouti needs renewal, not perpetual rule. A peaceful democratic transition is the only path to genuine stability.”
Analysts say the move follows a familiar pattern in parts of Africa, where entrenched leaders have used constitutional amendments to sidestep term or age limits. Political scientists refer to such maneuvers as “constitutional coups” — legal but deeply corrosive acts that erode institutional independence and democratic accountability.
“The elimination of checks like age limits or term caps is often the beginning of indefinite rule,” said Lidetu Abate, a Horn of Africa political analyst based in Addis Ababa. “It creates an illusion of legal legitimacy while hollowing out democracy from within.”
A Tiny Nation with Outsized Influence
Despite its small population of roughly one million, Djibouti commands vast strategic importance. Perched on the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, one of the world’s busiest maritime chokepoints linking the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, it hosts the only permanent U.S. military base in Africa, alongside bases for France, China, and Japan.
This concentration of global military assets has long provided Guelleh’s government with insulation from international pressure, analysts say.
“The country’s geography is its greatest shield,” said Daher Ahmed Farah, leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic Renewal and Development, in remarks to Al Jazeera. “Djibouti hosts many foreign powers, but those interests belong to the Djiboutian people — not to a single man.”
The United States and France, key security partners, have so far remained largely silent on the amendment, reflecting the dilemma Western powers face in balancing calls for democratic reform with the imperative of maintaining access to strategic bases in the Horn of Africa.
A Democratic Contrast Next Door
While Djibouti consolidates power under one leader, its neighbor Somaliland — an unrecognized but self-governing republic — continues to chart a starkly different course.
In a November 2024 election, opposition candidate Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi won a landslide victory, unseating incumbent President Muse Bihi Abdi in a contest described by international observers as transparent and peaceful. It was the fourth peaceful transfer of power in Somaliland’s history since restoring independence in 1991.
“Everyone had won,” Abdullahi said in his victory speech. “No one was defeated. It was an election of brotherhood, aimed at unifying the people.”
Analysts hailed the outcome as further proof that Somaliland’s hybrid system — blending clan-based consensus with multi-party democracy — has matured into one of the most stable political models in the region.
“Somaliland uses democracy to keep its people together,” wrote analysts from the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI). “Its steady democratic performance is a breath of fresh air in a continent where democrats are fighting an uphill battle.”
Two Diverging Paths
| Feature | Djibouti | Somaliland |
|---|---|---|
| Leadership Tenure | Ismail Omar Guelleh in power since 1999; seeking 6th term | Six presidents since 1991; multiple peaceful transfers of power |
| Recent Political Event | Parliament removed presidential age limit (Oct. 2025) | Opposition victory in peaceful presidential election (Nov. 2024) |
| Political System | Authoritarian; power concentrated with president | Hybrid system merging democracy and traditional governance |
| Civil Liberties |
Severely restricted freedom of press and speech |
Ranked “partly free” by Freedom House, a regional rarity |
Somaliland’s experience, observers note, demonstrates that democracy does not depend on wealth or recognition. With a modest national budget and no international aid comparable to Djibouti’s, it has managed to maintain competitive elections and a functioning parliament.
“You don’t have to be rich to be democratic,” said Fatima Yusuf, a governance researcher in Nairobi. “Somaliland shows that legitimacy comes from consent, not coercion.”
A Tale of Two Models
As Djibouti moves closer to cementing one-man rule, Somaliland continues to promote itself as the Horn of Africa’s democratic outlier — a political experiment built on accountability rather than fear.
For some in Djibouti’s shrinking opposition, the contrast is painful.
“While our neighbors celebrate change through the ballot box,” said rights activist Ewado, “we are watching our constitution rewritten to keep one man in power for life.”
