The Double Standards Of Somalia Political Elites

The Double Standards of Somalia Political Elites (Southern Somalia) – It is time to divorce the Somaliweyn narrative completely.

By Abdullahi Omar Sheikh

Master of Science

Institute of Computer Science and Information Technology (ICSIT)

Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology (JKUAT) 

Abstract

This article discusses the historical and political relationship between Somaliland and Somalia. It explains that Somaliland was an independent state before joining Somalia in 1960, but later withdrew from the union due to tensions and a lack of fair resource sharing. Since then, Somaliland has been seeking international recognition, which has been repeatedly denied. The document also highlights the reasons behind Somaliland’s quest for recognition^[1], including its historical background, lack of unity in Somalia, governance achievements, economic potential, and regional support. It argues that the recent Memorandum of Understanding between Ethiopia and Somaliland should be seen as a positive step towards regional cooperation and development. It also addresses the double standards of^[2] the political elites in southern Somalia and calls for the divorce of the Somaliweyn narrative. The article concludes by emphasizing the need for the international community to acknowledge Somaliland’s independence.

Background Information

The complex situation of the political rift between the Republic of Somaliland^[3] and Somalia started at the onset of the Union of the North and South during the Independence of Somalia on 1st July 1960, which also forms the Union Day of the North and South. Somaliland and Somalia were two different independent states on the day before July 1, 1960. Somaliland gained its independence on June 26, 1960, from the British. Somaliland was formerly recognized by over 33 nations but it chose to unite with Somalia under the nationalism agenda of Somaliweyn. The two formed the Somali Republic^[4] on July 1, 1960, uniting the five regions of the Somalis which are DDSI, Djibouti, Somalia, Somaliland, and NFD.

The Somaliweyn narrative became futile the very fast day the union of the South and North, respectively, Somalia and Somaliland, was formed when instead of the two parliaments ratifying Union Act Law 5 of January 31, 1961, the South decided to hijack the process of unity. When both nations formed, the union appointed H.E. Aden Abdulla Osman as interim president. The government that was formed made H.E. Abdirashid Ali Sharmake as Prime Minister from Somalia (South) instead of the North, who came for the Union of the two countries, getting fair resources and political sharing. That is when the Somaliweyn narrative was poisoned and killed by Muqdisho by making both the President and Prime Minister from the same region. The Somaliweyn narrative of bringing the Five Somalis together was slaughtered by Muqdisho by trying to make every other Somali region as subservient for the few Southern tribal lords who believe they are the only Somalis that live on this earth when in fact they are less than 30% of the Somali people in Horn and East Africa.

What followed next and the genocide of the military regime has done on Hargeysa by killing over 50,000 civilians^[5] according to UN records of the genocide of Northern Somalia (Somaliland people). After the collapse of the military regime in 1990, Somaliland declared through its people’s ratification that it withdrew from the 1960 Union. For 33 years, Somaliland has been seeking international recognition, which I fail to understand why it should be denied when on 26th June 1960, over 33 nations accepted its independence from the British. Somaliland and Somalia have over the years engaged in dialogue, and Somalia has been refusing to accept the wishes of the Republic of Somaliland people. Somalia will lose strategic meaning if Somaliland is accepted once again as an independent state by the world because of its strategic position next to the Gulf of Aden and Babul Mandab.

Under the Arte declaration^[6] the Federal Republic of Somalia was formed contrary to the Constitution of the Union of 1960, which formed the Somali Republic, which covers North and South. Therefore, Muqdisho today can’t force Somaliland^[7] on the tenets of the same constitution it defied and by forming tribal federal member states that stand on ethnic hate and disintegration of its own people.

Somalia has for the first time invited foreign military armies, including Ethiopia on its Soil, Somaliland has never invited foreign troops to protect itself. Somalia has leased strategic critical infrastructure to foreign governments, including a military base to Turkey, several ports to the UAE, and over 30,000 foreign soldiers under AMISOM (ATMIS) on its land. To add to this, Somalia joined the EAC recently without any consultation with the Somaliland brothers, Somalia has leased several countries for fishing rights, and Somaliland has never commented on anything for the sake of the goodness and interest of the Somali government.

It was just recently when President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo declared Ethiopia as a strategic partner and brother to Somalia in a triangular deal of Ethio-Eritrea and Somalia Horn of Africa Integration. President Farmajo has secretly signed Somalia has no legal mandate to lecture Somaliland under international or regional laws, Somalia should instead focus on finishing its constitution, reconciling its people, building its army, and solving the aspect of terrorism on its soil.

The recent Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between the Federal Republic of Ethiopia^[8] and the Republic of Somaliland by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and President Muse Bihi has sparked uproar among the entire Somali people, but what amazes me most is the level of fake patriotism Southern Somalia elites portray when we know that they made Somalia what it is today, a banana republic that has no law and order, fragmented into tribal member states, terror, poverty, unpatriotic elites, diaspora elites who fund tribal wars at home, human rights violation, poor health care or no healthcare at all, no central system of governance and education and all aspects of a failed state. Southern Somalia political leaders held emergency and crisis meetings led by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and recalled its Addis Ababa ambassador.

Somalia’s political elites should instead work through a dialogue with themselves, rebuild their country, and focus on developing themselves. You cannot help extinguish fire in your neighbor’s house when yours is burning. The mindset that Somaliland is like tribal Federal member states is not only laughable but mocking the history, facts, and reality of the geopolitics of the Horn of Africa^[9].

The propaganda that Ethiopia wants to annex part of Somalia is a very shrewd mentality that is meant to derail The Republic of Somaliland and its people. Ethiopia has over 10,000 soldiers under ATMIS, so why can’t it annex the current towns so it provides security to? Muqdisho should come to terms with the reality that Somaliland was an independent state and would be independent through any possible means at its disposal. Somalia has refused a peaceful way to resolve the rift with Somaliland, and Somaliland must look for a survival gate to protect its people and itself. The propaganda, the hate, and the immature reactions only point at one thing, the level of hate Muqdisho has for Somalia and even other neighboring countries.

The Republic of Somaliland MOU deal with Ethiopia is a master stroke of the century. This deal will make Somaliland the Singapore and Qatar of Africa. Somaliland must move away from the idleness and propaganda of Somalia and focus on the realization of its dreams and vision, complete the deal with Ethiopia, and give both Western and Eastern countries military bases in exchange for development and security cooperation. Somaliland should fly higher like the Eagle does to the crow and never fight small fights with propaganda machines in the south. Somaliland should send delegations to the entire East African communities especially the Somali people, and educate the people of the pains Somaliweyn has brought to them. The Somaliweyn narrative is a dream of the Somalis, but it was hijacked by Somalia and should never be discussed anymore on the tables of honorable men. Refusing Somaliland’s status is on the agenda of Somaliweyn, which has led to the destruction of the Somalis in Ethiopia, Kenya, and finally, Muqdisho^[10], and finally Somaliweyn wants to destroy what remains currently, which is the Republic of Somaliland.

Currently, Somalis in Ethiopia are developing themselves despite the decades-old wars and fights with the Ethiopian government. Also,  Somalis in Kenya have recovered from the Shifta war that destroyed it for years, and now Northern Kenya is the most advanced Somali region in Eastern Africa in terms of education referral hospitals, with the government of Kenya investing heavily. Northern Kenya shifted from the ruins of insecurity and constant marginalization from former governments and is set to become the powerhouse that controls Kenyan politics in a few years to come.

Today, Somalis are the most patriotic citizens of the Republic of Kenya. Somaliweyn’s narrative should only be limited to the history, culture, and other common shared values of the Somalis but should never be used as a political tool to cause unrest in Eastern Africa. We are speaking about economic regional blocs such as East African communities and even uniting Africa as the United States of Africa. Somalia must wake up to the current reality and allow the independence of Somaliland before it’s too late.

Executive Summary

The historical context of the political relationship between Somaliland and Somalia is complex and dates back to the formation of the Somali Republic on July 1, 1960. Prior to this date, Somaliland and Somalia were two separate independent states. Somaliland gained its independence from the British on June 26, 1960, and was recognized by over 33 nations as a sovereign state.

The union between Somaliland and Somalia was intended to unite the five regions inhabited by Somalis,^[11] which included DDSI, Djibouti, Somalia, Somaliland, and NFD. This union was based on the nationalist agenda of Somaliweyn, which aimed to bring all Somali-speaking territories together.

However, the Somaliweyn narrative was quickly undermined when the South, represented by Somalia, hijacked the process of unity. Instead of ratifying the Union Act law, which would have ensured fair resources and political sharing between the two regions, the South appointed its own President and Prime Minister, H.E Aden Abdulla Osman and H.E Abdirashid Ali Sharmake, from Somalia, respectively.

This decision to centralize power in the South and exclude the North from key positions of leadership poisoned the Somaliweyn narrative and led to growing tensions between the two regions. The situation escalated further when the military regime in Somalia carried out a genocide in Hargeysa, resulting in the deaths of over 50,000 civilians, according to UN records.

Following the collapse of the military regime in 1990, Somaliland declared its withdrawal from the union of 1960. Since then, Somaliland has been seeking international recognition, which has been denied despite its initial recognition by over 33 nations in 1960.

Despite engaging in dialogue with Somalia over the years, Somaliland’s desire for independence and international recognition has been repeatedly rejected. Somalia’s refusal to accept the wishes.

Somaliland’s quest for international recognition can be attributed to several reasons:

1. Historical Background: Somaliland was an independent state before it voluntarily joined Somalia in 1960 to form the Somali Republic. However, since the collapse of the central government in Somalia in 1990, Somaliland has focused on re-establishing its independence^[12]. The historical precedent of being recognized as an independent state by over 33 nations prior to the union with Somalia has fueled their aspiration for international recognition.
2. Lack of Unity and Stability in Somalia: The political and security situation in Somalia has been unstable for decades, marked by conflicts, terrorism, and a lack of effective governance. Somaliland views itself as distinct from the rest of Somalia and seeks recognition to ensure its own stability and development separate from the challenges faced by the rest of the country.
3. Governance and State-Building Achievements: Somaliland has made significant progress in establishing effective governance structures, maintaining security, and providing basic services to its citizens. It has held several peaceful elections, developed its own constitution, and established its own security forces. These achievements have bolstered Somaliland’s case for recognition as a capable and functioning state.
4. Economic Potential and Strategic Importance: Somaliland boasts a strategic coastal location, natural resources, and strong potential for economic development[13]. It aims to attract foreign investment, establish trade partnerships, and become a hub for regional trade. International recognition would enable Somaliland to access development aid, loans, and trade agreements, essential for its economic growth and prosperity.
5. Regional and International Support: Somaliland has actively engaged in diplomatic efforts to garner support from African and international partners. It has participated in regional forums and sought to highlight its achievements and aspirations for independence. The recent Memorandum of Understanding with Ethiopia signifies growing regional recognition and support for Somaliland’s quest for recognition.

In conclusion, Somaliland’s quest for international recognition stems from a combination of historical, political, economic, and strategic factors. The desire for stability, self-governance, and economic development, coupled with regional and international support, have propelled Somaliland to pursue recognition as an independent state.

The Recent MOU between Ethiopia and Somaliland in January 2024.

The recent Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) at the start of January 2024 between Ethiopia and Somaliland has sparked uproar among the Somali people, but it is important to evaluate the situation objectively.

Firstly, it is crucial to understand that Somaliland declared its independence from the union with Somalia in 1990 and has been seeking international recognition since then. The MOU between Ethiopia and Somaliland signifies a diplomatic agreement and potential cooperation between the two entities.

Ethiopia’s involvement in the region is not new, as they have been actively engaged in Somalia, including having troops under the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM)^[14] and providing security in certain towns. The claim that Ethiopia wants to annex part of Somalia is unfounded and lacks evidence. It is important to base our evaluation on facts rather than speculations.

The MOU between Ethiopia and Somaliland can be seen as a positive step towards regional stability and development. It opens doors for economic opportunities, security cooperation, and infrastructure development. Somaliland’s aspiration to become the Singapore and Qatar of Africa is ambitious, and this agreement can potentially contribute to achieving that goal.

Furthermore, it is important to recognize that Somaliland has been functioning as an independent state for more than three decades. It has established its own government, institutions, and maintained relative stability compared to other parts of Somalia. The refusal to acknowledge Somaliland’s independence by the Somali government in Mogadishu has been a major obstacle to progress and resolution of the rift between the two entities.

Somaliland’s pursuit of international recognition is justified,^[15] considering its historical independence, stability, and the recognition it received shortly after gaining independence from the British in 1960. Over 33 nations recognized Somaliland as an independent state at that time. It is perplexing why international recognition has been denied for so long, especially when other regions with similar aspirations have gained recognition.

The argument that Somalia would lose strategic meaning if Somaliland is accepted as an independent state by the world is flawed. Each entity can have its own strategic significance and contribute to regional stability in different ways. The focus should be on dialogue, reconciliation, and development rather than trying to suppress the aspirations of the people of Somaliland.

Although the complete Memorandum is not officially released, it includes the following:

1. Ethiopia gets a Naval Military base and commercial maritime benefits in the Somaliland Sea
2. The Sea access for Ethiopia is leased for a period of Fifty years.
3. The Sea access leased is 20 KMs
4. Ethiopia to fully recognize The Republic of Somaliland as an independent state of Africa
5. Security Cooperation between the two countries
6. The Republic of Somaliland to get shares of Ethiopian airlines
7. Ethiopia to use Berbera port for its needs which in turn gives the Somaliland Republic a massive economic win

In conclusion, the recent MOU between Ethiopia and Somaliland should be seen as a positive step towards regional cooperation and development. Somaliland’s pursuit of international recognition is justified, and it is time for the international community to acknowledge its independence.

Reference

1. Muhumed, M. M. (2017). Somaliland-Somalia Talks: Historical Background, Process and Prospects (Doctoral dissertation, Master’s Thesis, Istanbul Aydin University, Istanbul).
2. Bryden, M. (2004). State-within-a-failed-state: Somaliland and the challenge of international recognition. In States-Within-States: Incipient Political Entities in the Post—Cold War Era (pp. 167-188). New York: Palgrave Macmillan US.
3. Seidel, K. (2017). Involvement and impact of external actors on constitution-making in South Sudan and Somaliland: a comparative study.
4. Kaariye, B. (2017). You must know: Somalia or the Somali Republic. American International Journal of Contemporary Research, 7(2).
5. Ingiriis, M. H. (2016). “We Swallowed the State as the State Swallowed Us”: The Genesis, Genealogies, and Geographies of Genocides in Somalia. African Security, 9(3), 237-258.
6. Ingiriis, M. H. (2021). Being and becoming a state: the state-building and peacebuilding conversations in southern Somalia and Somaliland. Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 39(1), 1-33.
7. Shay, S. (2019). The Red Sea region between war and reconciliation. Liverpool University Press.
8. Prunier, G. (2021). The Country that Does Not Exist: A History of Somaliland. Oxford University Press.
9. Ingiriis, M. H. (2020). Profiting from the failed state of Somalia: The violent political marketplace and insecurity in contemporary Mogadishu. Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 38(3), 437-458.
10. Kaariye, B. (2017). You must know: Somalia or the Somali Republic. American International Journal of Contemporary Research, 7(2).
11. Pegg, S., & Kolstø, P. (2015). Somaliland: Dynamics of internal legitimacy and (lack of) external sovereignty. Geoforum, 66, 193-202.
12. Tsai, D. (2014). Sovereignty and national identity in Somaliland, assessing social, economic, and political livelihood in a contemporary de facto state. California State University, Fullerton.
13. Williams, P. D. (2009). Into the Mogadishu maelstrom: the African Union mission in Somalia. International Peacekeeping, 16(4), 514-530.
14. Kreuter, A. (2010). Self-Determination, Sovereignty, and the Failure of States: Somaliland and the Case for Justified Secession. Minn. J. Int’l L., 19, 363.
15. Cotran, E. (1963). Legal problems arising out of the formation of the Somali Republic. International & Comparative Law Quarterly, 12(3), 1010-1026.

Footnotes

[1] Muhumed, M. M. (2017). Somaliland-Somalia Talks: Historical Background, Process and Prospects (Doctoral dissertation, Master’s Thesis, Istanbul Aydin University, Istanbul).

[2] Bryden, M. (2004). State-within-a-failed-state: Somaliland and the challenge of international recognition. In States-Within-States: Incipient Political Entities in the Post—Cold War Era (pp. 167-188). New York: Palgrave Macmillan US.

[3] Seidel, K. (2017). Involvement and impact of external actors on constitution making in South Sudan and Somaliland: a comparative study.

[4] Kaariye, B. (2017). You must know: Somalia or the Somali Republic. American International Journal of Contemporary Research, 7(2).

[5] Ingiriis, M. H. (2016). “We Swallowed the State as the State Swallowed Us”: The Genesis, Genealogies, and Geographies of Genocides in Somalia. African Security, 9(3), 237-258.

[6] Ingiriis, M. H. (2021). Being and becoming a state: the state-building and peacebuilding conversations in southern Somalia and Somaliland. Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 39(1), 1-33.

[7] Cotran, E. (1963). Legal problems arising out of the formation of the Somali Republic. International & Comparative Law Quarterly, 12(3), 1010-1026.

[8] Shay, S. (2019). The Red Sea region between war and reconciliation. Liverpool University Press.

[9] Prunier, G. (2021). The Country that Does Not Exist: A History of Somaliland. Oxford University Press.

[10] Ingiriis, M. H. (2020). Profiting from the failed state of Somalia: The violent political marketplace and insecurity in contemporary Mogadishu. Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 38(3), 437-458.

[11] Kaariye, B. (2017). You must know: Somalia or the Somali Republic. American International Journal of Contemporary Research, 7(2).

[12] Pegg, S., & Kolstø, P. (2015). Somaliland: Dynamics of internal legitimacy and (lack of) external sovereignty. Geoforum, 66, 193-202.

[13] Tsai, D. (2014). Sovereignty and national identity in Somaliland, assessing social, economic, and political livelihood in a contemporary de facto state. California State University, Fullerton.

[14] Williams, P. D. (2009). Into the Mogadishu maelstrom: the African Union mission in Somalia. International Peacekeeping, 16(4), 514-530.

[15] Kreuter, A. (2010). Self-Determination, Sovereignty, and the Failure of States: Somaliland and the Case for Justified Secession. Minn. J. Int’l L., 19, 363.

By A Omar Sheikh aka Adankhan

The writer is from Mandera, NFD-Kenya.

4^th January 2024