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This article, “Why Not Force Djibouti to Join Somalia Too?” by Michael Rubin, argues that if the international community is truly committed to preserving Somali unity and opposes Somaliland’s independence, then it should logically also oppose Djibouti’s existence as an independent nation and potentially force Djibouti to join Somalia.

Here’s a breakdown of the argument:

  • Hypocrisy Alleged: The author criticizes countries like Slovenia, Egypt, and Qatar for condemning Israel’s recognition of Somaliland, citing the need to protect Somalia’s territorial integrity. The author argues that these countries are being hypocritical because they themselves have historical precedents of secession or supporting secessionist movements.

  • Djibouti as the “Original Sin”: The core argument is that Djibouti’s independence, achieved under French colonial rule, is inconsistent with the principle of Somali unity. The author contends that Djibouti, dominated by Somali Issas, should not exist as a separate entity if Somali unity is the paramount concern.

  • French Colonialism: The article highlights that France colonized Djibouti in the 19th century, establishing treaties with Afar and Issa leaders for strategic reasons. This colonial history, according to the author, undermines Djibouti’s legitimacy as an independent nation in the context of Somali unity.

  • Djibouti’s Leadership: The author criticizes Djibouti’s leadership, alleging that the country has become a family business controlled by its founding president’s family and that the current leadership has compromised Djibouti’s sovereignty by selling it to China.

  • Call for Action: The article concludes by suggesting that Djibouti’s ambassadors should be summoned and told that the need to protect Somali unity requires Djibouti to sacrifice its independence. The author suggests that if Somaliland has no right to independence, then Djibouti should also disappear as an independent nation.

The complete piece is as follows:

Why Not Force Djibouti to Join Somalia Too
A city street in Dikhil, Djibouti, the administrative center of the Dikhil Region and home to the Afar and Somali ethnic groups. Shutterstock

Why Not Force Djibouti to Join Somalia Too?

If the Goal Is to Preserve Somali Unity, Then Djibouti Is the Original Sin and a Glaring Attack on Somali Sovereignty

By Michael Rubin

On December 29, 2025, the United Nations Security Council held an emergency meeting to condemn Israel’s recognition of Somaliland. The meeting was full of hypocrisy.

When Slovenia declared its independence, it was part of Yugoslavia, a U.N. member state that opposed its secession.

“Somaliland … is a part of a U.N. member state, and recognizing it goes against … the U.N. Charter,” Slovenia’s Ambassador Samuel Zbogar explained, perhaps forgetting that when Slovenia declared its independence, it was part of Yugoslavia, a U.N. member state that opposed its secession. Other countries were as hypocritical. Between 1958 and 1971, Egypt was part of a failed confederation that ended when it returned to its constituent parts, exactly what Somaliland has demanded regarding Somalia. Qatar, meanwhile, is particularly hypocritical because its independence followed a similar trajectory to Somaliland’s. It was once a secessionist state that broke away from Bahrain against Manama’s will.

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Every Security Council member and Arab state condemning Israel’s recognition of Somaliland cited the primacy of protecting Somalia’s territorial integrity.

If that truly is their concern and reason for denying Somaliland’s self-determination, then consistency also requires that the Security Council, European Union, and Arab states reverse their recognition of Djibouti.

The French Empire colonized what now is Djibouti in 1862, when the French signed a treaty with an Afar tribal leader, whom they transported to Paris. The Afars are the minority group in the region. The French goal was strictly strategic: In 1839, the British had taken Aden across the Bab el-Mandeb as a coaling station and a logistical hub in the anti-piracy fight, and so the French wanted a similar capability.

In 1885, the French signed a separate treaty with the majority Issas, a Somali clan related to the Isaaqs that predominate in Somaliland. Both the Issas and Isaaqs share common Dir lineage in the Somali clan structure.

The actions of countries like Slovenia, Egypt, and Qatar in their rejection of Somaliland take cynicism to a new level.

In 1960, both the British and the Italians granted their respective Somali protectorates independence. The French refused, however, to do likewise with “French Somaliland” as the United Nations demanded. In 1967, the French renamed their colony “French Territory of the Afars and Issas” before granting its independence in 1977 as Djibouti. The Somali Issas dominate the country and hold the presidency. In effect, Djibouti has become a family business with its founding president, Hassan Gouled Aptidon, handing power to his nephew, Ismaïl Omar Guelleh, who has dominated the city-state since 1999.

If the goal of the international community is to preserve Somali unity, then Djibouti is the original sin and a glaring attack on Somali sovereignty. It exists due to French cynicism and today serves only to enrich a single family. That Guelleh has sold Djibouti’s sovereignty to China only adds insult to injury.

Consistency is not often a feature of international relations, but the actions of countries like Slovenia, Egypt, and Qatar in their rejection of Somaliland take cynicism to a new level as they twist precedent and pervert international law in support of a government in Mogadishu whose legitimacy rests upon a fiction that it controls any territory whatsoever.

If Somaliland has no right to independence, then Djibouti should likewise disappear as an independent nation. Perhaps it is time to call Djiboutian ambassadors to foreign ministries and explain that the urgency of protecting Somali unity and Mogadishu’s irredentist ambitions require a sacrifice on their part. It may be a modest proposal, but should consistency not matter?

Published originally at Middle East Forum Observer on January 01, 2026.


About the Author:

Michael RubinDr. Michael Rubin

Michael Rubin is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and director of policy analysis at the Middle East Forum. A former Pentagon official, Dr. Rubin has lived in post-revolution Iran, Yemen, and both pre-and postwar Iraq. He also spent time with the Taliban before 9/11. For more than a decade, he taught classes at sea about the Horn of Africa and Middle East conflicts, culture, and terrorism, to deployed US Navy and Marine units. Dr. Rubin is the author, coauthor, and coeditor of several books exploring diplomacy, Iranian history, Arab culture, Kurdish studies, and Shi’ite politics. He can be reached at X (formerly Twitter) @mrubin1971


The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Saxafi Media.