Greece and Cyprus Get Somaliland Wrong

This article, “Greece and Cyprus Get Somaliland Wrong,” by Michael Rubin, argues that Greece and Cyprus are wrong to oppose Israel’s recognition of Somaliland’s independence. Their opposition stems from the fear that it could legitimize the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus” (TRNC). Rubin counters this fear by highlighting key differences between Somaliland and the TRNC:

• Somaliland’s Independence: Somaliland gained independence from British Somaliland in 1960, was internationally recognized, voluntarily merged with Italian Somaliland to form Somalia, and then reasserted its independence in 1991 after the collapse of the Somali government and a genocide against its population.

• TRNC’s situation: The TRNC was formed after Turkey invaded Cyprus in 1974 and ethnically cleansed a third of the island. Its declaration of independence in 1983 was condemned by the UN Security Council. Rubin compares this to Russia’s actions in Ukraine and Moldova, where it created puppet states through military aggression.

Rubin argues that Somaliland’s situation is more akin to failed unions like Yugoslavia, the United Arab Republic (Egypt and Syria), and the Senegambia Confederation, where constituent parts reverted to their original independent status.

He criticizes Greece and Cyprus for prioritizing concerns about Turkey over supporting Somaliland, especially since they recognize Djibouti, a country carved out of Somaliland by France. He asserts that Greece and Cyprus are siding with Turkey against Israel and harming a young democracy. He concludes by stating that Turkey is an occupier in Cyprus, a revisionist in the Aegean, and a terror sponsor in Somalia, and that Greece and Cyprus should reconsider their position.

The complete piece is as follows:

Greece and Cyprus Get Somaliland Wrong

Somaliland’s Independence is Not Analogous to the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus”

By Michael Rubin

Both the Greek and Cypriot foreign ministries issued statements on December 29, 2025 opposing Israel’s recognition of Somaliland.

“The Republic of Cyprus aligns itself with the European Union’s call for respect to the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Somalia, and underscores its position that Somaliland remains an integral part of the Federal Republic of Somalia,” the Cypriot foreign ministry explained. Greece, meanwhile, explained that recognizing Somaliland “risks derailing decades of state-building efforts in Somalia.”

Overshadowing both the Cypriot and Greek positions is fear that supporting Somaliland’s independence from Somalia could set a precedent which the “Turkish Republic of North Cyprus” might cite to justify its own secession. That fear, however, is based on ignorance of history. Embracing that false narrative does not undermine Turkey but rather empowers it.

Overshadowing both the Cypriot and Greek positions is fear that supporting Somaliland’s independence from Somalia could set a precedent which the “Turkish Republic of North Cyprus” might cite to justify its own secession.

In 1974, Turkey invaded Cyprus, ethnically cleansed more than one-third of the island. In 1983, the occupied zone unilaterally declared its independence, a move condemned by the United Nations Security Council. The best analogy to Turkey’s actions in Cyprus would be Russia’s invasion of Ukraine to create the Donetsk and Luhansk Peoples’ Republics, or its push into Moldova to create Transnistria. In each case, an aggressor made a land grab and created a puppet state to maintain the fiction of popular sovereignty.

Compare that with Somaliland: In 1884, the United Kingdom proclaimed the Protectorate of Somaliland. Italy established Italian Somaliland–what today is Somalia minus Somaliland—five years later. On June 26, 1960, as European powers granted independence to their African colonies, British Somaliland won independence. All five permanent members of the UN Security Council recognized its independence, as well as 25 other countries. Five days later, Italian Somaliland won independence. British Somaliland authorities decided to merge with Italian Somaliland to form the Somali Republic, later Somalia. The merger was voluntary. Importantly, the British Somaliland parliament never ratified the agreement.

The rest of the history is well-known. Somali dictator Mohamed Siad Barre waged a genocide against the former British Somaliland’s population, killing hundreds of thousands of people before his own regime collapsed. Somaliland reasserted its independence under the borders that the international community had already affirmed. Somalilanders have lived apart from Somalia for far longer than they were part of it.

Somali dictator Mohamed Siad Barre waged a genocide against the former British Somaliland’s population, killing hundreds of thousands of people before his own regime collapsed.

This makes the Somaliland case much more analogous to other failed unions reverting to the status quo ante. Here, Yugoslavia is a case in point. Established in 1918, it began to dissolve in 1991, the same year that Somaliland re-asserted its independence. Cyprus and Greece recognized Yugoslavia’s constituent countries as they reasserted their independence, though understandably, neither recognized Kosovo which formed as a new entity based on ethnicity and religion alone.

In 1958, Egypt and Syria merged to form the United Arab Republic; it did not last, as Syria resented its dominance by Egypt. In 1971, it dissolved. Both Cyprus and Greece recognize its successor states.

On February 1, 1982, the West African countries Senegal and Gambia merged to form the Senegambia Confederation. It, too, did not last and, in 1989, both countries reverted to be separate independent states. Again, both Cyprus and Greece recognize the independence of both states, rather than insist on the erasure of one or the other.

Put another way, both Cyprus and Greece’s refusal to recognize Somaliland is the exception rather than the rule. It is even more insulting to the Somalilanders as both Cyprus and Greece recognize Djibouti, an ethnic Somali country that the French carved out of Somaliland in order to former a coaling station to compete with Aden.

By accepting a false narrative regarding Somaliland, both Nicosia and Athens side with Turkey against Israel. Following the failure of its neo-Ottomanism, Turkey turned its attention to Somalia, taking over the international airport, building a naval base to support its Red Sea and India Ocean operations, and providing drones to some of the country’s most virulent Islamist factions.

In Cyprus, Turkey is an occupier. In the Aegean, it is a revisionist. And in Somalia, it is a terror sponsor. It truly is sad that Cyprus and Greece would throw a young democracy under the bus. Ankara could not have dreamed of a better outcome. What Cyprus and Greece voted for was not a defense of Cypriot unity; rather, it was for a precedent that would force Cyprus back into the British or Ottoman Empires. The former would today be nonsensical; the latter is on Turkey’s agenda. Both Cyprus and Greece should reconsider their position.

Published originally at Hellas Journal on December 31, 2025.