Move AFRICOM to Africa

This article, “Move AFRICOM to Africa,” argues that the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) should be moved from its current headquarters in Stuttgart, Germany, to Africa.

The author, Michael Rubin, believes that a physical presence in Africa is crucial for the U.S. to effectively address rising Chinese and Russian influence, counter terrorism, and protect its strategic interests on the continent.

Here’s a breakdown of the main points:

• The Problem: The U.S. is losing influence in Africa to China and Russia, while also facing threats from terrorism and instability.

• The Argument: Moving AFRICOM to Africa would improve the U.S.’s ability to understand and engage with the continent, deter conflict, and support its partners.

• Why Stuttgart is a bad location: It’s far from Africa, requires inconvenient travel connections, and disconnects AFRICOM personnel from the realities of the region.

• Potential Locations: The author suggests considering countries like Cabo Verde, Somaliland, Namibia, Botswana, or Rwanda, highlighting their stability, democratic values, and pro-Western orientation. Liberia is mentioned but dismissed due to corruption. Larger countries like Nigeria, Ethiopia, and South Africa are deemed unsuitable due to regional rivalries.

• The Stakes: Africa is strategically important due to its natural resources and the security threats it faces. The U.S. needs to be actively engaged to protect its interests.

The complete piece is as follows:

Move AFRICOM to Africa

By Michael Rubin

President Donald Trump cares little for bureaucratic norms and refuses to allow legacy inefficiencies to straitjacket him. While he signals little interest in Africa, the rise of Chinese and Russian influence on the continent and the concurrent hemorrhaging of French and U.S. influence pose a challenge to U.S. strategic interests on the continent.

Neither the White House nor the American public wishes to involve the United States in African conflicts, but presence and partnerships matter. Reticence about involvement does not prevent conflict; that was the lesson of Great Britain’s post-World War I “Ten Year Rule” that hobbled the British military in the run-up to World War II.

Trump may have reverted the Defense Department to the Department of War, but the day-to-day job of the military is to prevent war. Deterrence, after all, is not just a rhetorical strategy but a military one. U.S. advisers help local African partners upgrade their capabilities so terrorists do not fill power vacuums. U.S. drones flying over huge swaths of territory deny space to weapons smugglers and terrorists. U.S. forces are some of the region’s best diplomats as well, inoculating farm animals, responding to humanitarian disasters, and evacuating Americans in need.

The Pentagon divides its international operations into combatant commands. The Hawaii-based U.S. Indo-Pacific Command coordinates military operations from Mongolia and China to Australia and New Zealand, and from India to Antarctica. U.S. Central Command covers the Middle East and northern Africa. While headquartered in Tampa, Florida, it maintains a forward headquarters in Qatar. U.S. Southern Command, covering Latin America and the Caribbean, is based in Doral, Florida. U.S. European Command is headquartered in Stuttgart, Germany, as well as U.S. Africa Command.

Africa is a huge continent. It is home to 54 United Nations-recognized countries, which will be more if Somaliland and Biafra get their wish. Yet, not only is AFRICOM based in Europe rather than Africa, but it also has headquarters in a city that has no direct flights to Africa, requiring travelers to make connections and take trains at additional expense and time.

When AFRICOM became a unified command in 2008, there was a debate about where to headquarter it. Former President George W. Bush wanted it in Africa, and the Pentagon floated ideas about Botswana, Ethiopia, Liberia, and Morocco. Naysayers worried that Africa’s diversity and its rivalries could lead to distortions and work against AFRICOM. However, this is nonsense, given that the U.S. European Command’s host country, Germany, has a history of strained relations across Europe. Meanwhile, Qatar is among the Arab world’s most polarizing countries; four Arab states blockaded it less than a decade ago for its role in sponsoring extremists.

Some U.S. politicians suggested that AFRICOM’s headquarters be in the U.S. as a plan B. There was even a brief proposal to place AFRICOM in Kansas, a pork-ridden proposal that quickly fell by the wayside. South Carolina’s delegation to Congress pushed for Charleston, but ultimately, Stuttgart became the stopgap.

As AFRICOM nears its 20th anniversary, it’s time to reverse that. Presence matters. Liberia, founded by freed U.S. slaves with a capital named after a U.S. president, would be natural if its government were not so corrupt. And rivalry concerns are real. Nigeria, Ethiopia, or South Africa would be disasters. But smaller countries threaten no one. Cabo Verde, an archipelago off Africa’s west coast, is stable, democratic, and pro-Western. Somaliland would be perfect, especially given its pro-Western orientation and the capacity of its port city, Berbera. Countries such as Namibia and Botswana are also stable, democratic, and have good infrastructure. Rwanda regularly punches above its weight for broader continental security.

Either way, though, Africa is too important to ignore. China and Russia understand that from gas to lithium to uranium to rare earths, Africa holds the building blocks of the 21st-century economy. It also incubates some of the greatest threats. Stability and influence matter. The U.S. cannot expect to win in Africa, let alone understand it, when, at the end of each workday, its top experts head out for a Weihenstephaner Hefeweissbier and bratwurst rather than a Tusker Lager and jollof rice.