Somaliland’s quest for recognition and interactions with other actors
Despite the many challenges, Somaliland has been making some progress in her quest for international recognition. Minahan notes that in November 1997 the government of neighboring Djibouti reportedly officially recognized Somaliland.[35] The Isaaks of Somaliland then opened their first diplomatic mission abroad, in Djibouti’s capital. In 1998, Egal (the president of Somaliland) toured Ethiopia, France, and Italy, reinforcing the trend toward ‘‘semi-diplomatic’’ recognition, which would allow the country access to bilateral and multilateral financial assistance. Minahan adds that Eritrea and Ethiopia exchanged ambassadors with Somaliland and the UN agreed to give Somaliland observer status.[36] Be that as it may, in February 2006 the Ethiopian foreign minister Seyoum Mesfin said that despite its trade relations with Somaliland, it does not support her (Somaliland’s) sovereignty. Mesfin, however, said that Somaliland deserves to be rewarded for creating peace out of anarchy, but that no one should confuse Ethiopia’s trade links there as recognition of Somaliland’s bid for recognition.[37]
Woodward contends that in Somaliland itself, the UN is seen as hostile to its independence, a position which is viewed critically in the light of the latter’s acceptance of Eritrea, though there is growing informal recognition, especially by Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs).[38] Schlee supposes that the international recognition of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in Somalia continues to prevent official recognition of Somaliland, which in 2005 held a peaceful parliamentary election and progresses steadily in providing order and justice in a democratic framework.[39]
According to Human Rights Watch, Western Nations have in the meantime largely insisted that the AU must take the lead on the recognition issue one way or the other.[40] As it stands, many AU states are reluctant to sanction what some see as a precedent that could embolden secessionist movements across the continent. Gebrewold and Gebrewold-Tochalo hold that the non-recognition of Somaliland by global powers has more global systemic aspects. They surmise that global players such as Russia and China have got their own separatists. They further note that whereas the West supported the independence of Kosovo, Russia was against it, not only because Kosovo became independent from its closest ally, Serbia, but the issue of Chechnya is still there.[41]Therefore, the non-recognition of Somaliland has to be seen in the global context.
Kaplan affirms that Somaliland can make a strong case for recognition on a wide variety of grounds: legal, historical, political and practical. Its legal and historical case rests on its separate status during the colonial period and its existence, albeit brief, as an independent country in 1960.[42] Except for a short period during World War II, Somaliland was a British territory for over seven decades, unconnected to the rest of what became Somalia. It had clearly demarcated borders that were recognized by the international community – and that could easily be used today. During the five days in 1960 that Somaliland existed as an independent country, it gained the recognition of thirty-five states and indeed signed a number of bilateral agreements with the United Kingdom, and received a congratulatory message from the U.S. Secretary of State. The Somaliland authorities argue today that they are dissolving an unsuccessful marriage rather than seeking secession and that their case is, therefore, analogous to the breakup of Senegambia (Senegal and Gambia) and the United Arab Republic (Syria and Egypt). They also draw parallels with Eritrea. In May 2001 a constitutional referendum was held. Kaplan explains that this was actually a referendum on independence and ninety-seven percent of those who voted approved the document in a ballot deemed to have been ‘‘…conducted fairly, freely, and openly…and in accordance with internationally accepted standards.”[43]
Literature gap
Having reviewed what other writers have propounded in areas that are similar or related to this study, the researcher came to the conclusion that the various writers seemed to agree that for a territory to become a state that is recognized in the IS, there are certain criteria that it must fulfill. The researcher also came to the conclusion that the recognition comes faster if one or more of the major powers in the IS expresses recognition. Most importantly, the literature reviewed pointed to the fact that in recognition of a territory’s statehood, a state normally assesses the consequences of such action to its national interests.
There were, however, certain gaps in the literature reviewed. The reasons which prompted the government and peoples of Somaliland to decide to secede are inadequately addressed. Another area that had some gaps pertained to the interests that various actors in the IS have with respect to Somaliland and how their recognition of Somaliland will impact on those interests. It is these gaps that this study aimed at contributing to filling.
1.6 Justification of the study
This research seeks to contribute to the intellectual understanding of the diplomacy that takes place in order for a territory to be recognized as a state by other states. The study provides an analysis of the criteria that territory must fulfill before it is recognized as a state by other state and actors in the IS. The study also analyses the role of IGOs in the recognition of territories seeking statehood in the IS. Students and researchers examining the foreign interactions of Somaliland will find an additional reference point in the form of this research, which they will find useful in their studies as it will focus on why territories like Somaliland still remain unrecognized as states in the IS in spite of their autonomy. The aforementioned analyses are being backed up by an in-depth historical overview of Somaliland which will be useful to a researcher or student attempting to obtain background information on Somaliland.
This research makes attempts to fill the vacuum provided by the situation where some states have gained recognition in the IS after fulfillment of some criteria while others like Somaliland have found it difficult to gain recognition. There is a need for more analysis on why a state might fulfill some criteria for statehood and yet remain unrecognized in the IS. The focus on Somaliland in this research provides this opportunity. This research is potentially important to diplomats[44] who are currently or might in the future find themselves handling policy decisions on the prospects and implications of territories like Somaliland gaining state recognition in the IS. If or when that recognition comes to reality, it is highly likely that the diplomat with adequate context analysis and background information of a territory’s (like Somaliland) quest for recognition will be well equipped to function effectively.
IGOs and influential International NGOs (INGOs) conduct some of their activities in territories like Somaliland which continue to seek state recognition in the IS. These organizations prepare policy briefs, strategy documents among other communiqués which serve as formidable advocacy documents. As Somaliland continues to lobby for recognition, IGOs and INGOs need to proactively prepare for and understand the dynamics that are at play in this process. IGOs, being an element of this study, and INGOs, which work closely with IGOs, will find this study useful in understanding how their policies influence the process of recognizing a new state.
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