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In a historic White House appearance this week, President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu unveiled what they termed a “comprehensive” 20-point peace plan for Gaza, immediately garnering support from Western and Arab nations while drawing sharp criticism from regional experts who warn it establishes a framework for indefinite Israeli occupation under international guise.

The plan, accepted by Netanyahu but still pending Hamas approval, promises an immediate cessation of hostilities, release of all hostages, and Gaza’s transformation into a “deradicalised terror-free zone.” Yet critics point to provisions allowing Israel to maintain security control and veto power over withdrawal timelines as evidence that the agreement represents, in the words of one analyst, “a continuation of the occupation, if not a continuation of the war by other means”.

The Plan’s Provisions

The 20-point agreement, obtained by media outlets, outlines a complex transition framework for Gaza that the White House has promoted as a path to sustainable peace. Key provisions include the immediate return of all hostages within 72 hours of acceptance, Israeli release of Palestinian prisoners, and amnesty for Hamas members who disarm and commit to peaceful coexistence.

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Perhaps most significantly, the plan establishes a “Board of Peace” chaired by President Trump himself, with former U.K. Prime Minister Tony Blair among its members, to oversee Gaza’s reconstruction and governance during a transitional period. Internal security would be handled by a U.S.-organized International Stabilization Force (ISF) working alongside newly trained Palestinian police.

Table: Key Elements of Trump’s Gaza Peace Plan

Provision Category  Key Details
Ceasefire & Hostages  Immediate end to fighting; all hostages returned within 72 hours; prisoner exchanges
Gaza Governance Transitional “technocratic, apolitical Palestinian committee” under international “Board of Peace” oversight
Security Arrangements  International Stabilization Force (ISF) deployment; Israeli phased withdrawal with “security perimeter” maintained
Hamas Status  Amnesty for members who disarm; safe passage for those leaving Gaza; no governance role
Economic Development  Special economic zone; international investment panel; “Trump economic development plan” for reconstruction
Political Future  Potential pathway to Palestinian statehood after PA reforms and Gaza redevelopment advances

A “Continuation of the Occupation”

Despite explicit language stating that “Israel will not occupy or annex Gaza,” multiple regional experts interviewed expressed skepticism about the plan’s ultimate effect on Palestinian autonomy. The agreement allows Israel to maintain “a security perimeter presence that will remain until Gaza is properly secure from any resurgent terror threat” – language that critics say provides indefinite justification for Israeli military presence.

“This is a continuation of the occupation, if not a continuation of the war by other means,” said Amjad Iraqi, a senior analyst on Israel/Palestine with the International Crisis Group. “Palestinians might be able to stay in Gaza, but they will not be able to really govern its affairs”.

The plan also grants Israel veto power during military withdrawal phases, with terms largely set by the U.S. and Israel. Tariq Kenney-Shawa, a U.S. policy fellow at Al-Shabaka, noted that this creates opportunity for backsliding: “If Hamas rejects the ceasefire proposal, that’ll give Israel the pretext to just steamroll Gaza City and do it in the way that Smotrich and Ben-Gvir want, which is all at once in one fell swoop”.

Trump and Netanyahu Unveil Gaza Peace Plan, Critics Warn of Indefinite Occupation and Neocolonial Control
Donald Trump departs a news conference with Benjamin Netanyahu in the State Dining Room of the White House on Sept. 29, 2025, in Washington. Photo: Evan Vucci/AP Photo

Political Pressures and International Reception

For Netanyahu, the deal represents both opportunity and risk. The Israeli leader faces mounting pressure from his own coalition, with Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich already condemning Trump’s plan as a “resounding diplomatic failure” and accusing the prime minister of turning “our backs on all the lessons of October 7th”.

Yet Netanyahu’s acceptance may also be politically necessary. “It’s absolutely imperative for Israel’s long-term security and, frankly, for Netanyahu’s political future to keep the U.S. and Trump on side,” noted security expert John Hannah, who added that Trump enjoys more popularity among Israelis than Netanyahu does.

The proposal has received widespread international support, with joint statements from the foreign ministers of Qatar, Jordan, UAE, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and other Muslim-majority nations welcoming “President Donald J. Trump’s leadership and his sincere efforts to end the war in Gaza”. European leaders, including France’s Emmanuel Macron and Germany’s foreign minister, also endorsed the framework, while emphasizing the need for a two-state solution.

“Paul Bremer 2.0” – Governance Concerns

The plan’s governance structure, particularly the Trump-chaired “Board of Peace,” has drawn unfavorable comparisons to earlier American nation-building efforts. Ahmed Moor, a fellow with the Foundation for Middle East Peace who was born in Gaza’s Rafah refugee camp, coined the plan “Paul Bremer 2.0,” referencing the head of the U.S. puppet government in occupied Iraq.

Moor further characterized economic aspects of the deal as “a neocolonial plan designed to enrich Tony Blair and a few other people,” referring to the plan’s call for a panel of experts behind “thriving modern miracle cities in the Middle East” to lead redevelopment.

Matt Duss, executive vice president at the Center for International Policy, sees a clear throughline between this governance structure and past U.S. occupations. “There’s always going to be some reason why the occupying military needs to stay, especially when you have a government, as in Israel, that is dominated by these kinds of messianic extremists who see conquering and controlling the entire land as their religious duty”.

Palestinian Dilemma and Historical Echoes

As Hamas deliberates its response, Palestinians face what Kenney-Shawa describes as an impossible choice: “I’ve spoken to people who are just hoping that they accept the deal because they want this to be over,” he said, “And then there are some who say they hope they don’t accept the deal because it’s surrender”.

For many observers, the current moment echoes previous peace efforts, particularly the 1993 Oslo Accords. Moor noted the similarity, recalling that the Oslo deal similarly saw Israel “front-loading” its demands while committing to Palestinian needs “at some indeterminate point in the future.” He added bluntly, “The Palestinians today need relief from genocide. This document is not going to provide that”.

The plan’s only mention of Palestinian statehood appears in the second-to-last point, describing conditions that “may finally be in place for a credible pathway to Palestinian self-determination and statehood” only after Gaza redevelopment advances and the Palestinian Authority completes reforms.

A Precarious Path Forward

While the plan offers a potential resolution to nearly two years of devastating conflict, its implementation faces significant hurdles. Hamas must agree to disarm entirely and relinquish all governance claims, while Netanyahu must manage his fractious coalition’s opposition to any concessions.

The proposal emerges against a backdrop of growing international pressure on Israel, including arms embargoes from several European nations and increasing support for the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement. Some analysts suggest Israel’s acceptance represents an attempt to rehabilitate its deteriorating global image.

As Rory Truex, a political scientist at Princeton, noted regarding broader patterns of authoritarian consolidation, “The government would still have elections and would nominally be democratic, but those elections would no longer be free and fair” – an observation some regional experts apply to the Palestinian political future under this arrangement.

With the Trump administration celebrating the agreement as a diplomatic victory and critics warning of entrenched occupation, the plan’s ultimate legacy may depend on whether its vague promises of future Palestinian self-determination materialize or remain perpetually deferred.

Trump and Netanyahu Unveil Gaza Peace Plan, Critics Warn of Indefinite Occupation and Neocolonial ControlPresident Donald J. Trump’s Comprehensive Plan to End the Gaza Conflict:

  1. Gaza will be a deradicalized terror-free zone that does not pose a threat to its neighbors.
  2. Gaza will be redeveloped for the benefit of the people of Gaza, who have suffered more than enough.
  3. If both sides agree to this proposal, the war will immediately end. Israeli forces will withdraw to the agreed-upon line to prepare for a hostage release. During this time, all military operations, including aerial and artillery bombardment, will be suspended, and battle lines will remain frozen until conditions are met for the complete staged withdrawal.
  4. Within 72 hours of Israel publicly accepting this agreement, all hostages, alive and deceased, will be returned.
  5. Once all hostages are released, Israel will release 250 life sentence prisoners plus 1700 Gazans who were detained after October 7th 2023, including all women and children detained in that context. For every Israeli hostage whose remains are released, Israel will release the remains of 15 deceased Gazans.
  6. Once all hostages are returned, Hamas members who commit to peaceful co-existence and to decommission their weapons will be given amnesty. Members of Hamas who wish to leave Gaza will be provided safe passage to receiving countries.
  7. Upon acceptance of this agreement, full aid will be immediately sent into the Gaza Strip. At a minimum, aid quantities will be consistent with what was included in the January 19, 2025, agreement regarding humanitarian aid, including rehabilitation of infrastructure (water, electricity, sewage), rehabilitation of hospitals and bakeries, and entry of necessary equipment to remove rubble and open roads.
  8. Entry of distribution and aid in the Gaza Strip will proceed without interference from the two parties through the United Nations and its agencies, and the Red Crescent, in addition to other international institutions not associated in any manner with either party. Opening the Rafah crossing in both directions will be subject to the same mechanism implemented under the January 19, 2025 agreement.
  9. Gaza will be governed under the temporary transitional governance of a technocratic, apolitical Palestinian committee, responsible for delivering the day-to-day running of public services and municipalities for the people in Gaza. This committee will be made up of qualified Palestinians and international experts, with oversight and supervision by a new international transitional body, the “Board of Peace,” which will be headed and chaired by President Donald J. Trump, with other members and heads of State to be announced, including Former Prime Minister Tony Blair. This body will set the framework and handle the funding for the redevelopment of Gaza until such time as the Palestinian Authority has completed its reform program, as outlined in various proposals, including President Trump’s peace plan in 2020 and the Saudi-French proposal, and can securely and effectively take back control of Gaza. This body will call on best international standards to create modern and efficient governance that serves the people of Gaza and is conducive to attracting investment.
  10. A Trump economic development plan to rebuild and energize Gaza will be created by convening a panel of experts who have helped birth some of the thriving modern miracle cities in the Middle East. Many thoughtful investment proposals and exciting development ideas have been crafted by well-meaning international groups, and will be considered to synthesize the security and governance frameworks to attract and facilitate these investments that will create jobs, opportunity, and hope for future Gaza.
  11. A special economic zone will be established with preferred tariff and access rates to be negotiated with participating countries.
  12. No one will be forced to leave Gaza, and those who wish to leave will be free to do so and free to return. We will encourage people to stay and offer them the opportunity to build a better Gaza.
  13. Hamas and other factions agree to not have any role in the governance of Gaza, directly, indirectly, or in any form. All military, terror, and offensive infrastructure, including tunnels and weapon production facilities, will be destroyed and not rebuilt. There will be a process of demilitarization of Gaza under the supervision of independent monitors, which will include placing weapons permanently beyond use through an agreed process of decommissioning, and supported by an internationally funded buy back and reintegration program all verified by the independent monitors. New Gaza will be fully committed to building a prosperous economy and to peaceful coexistence with their neighbors.
  14. A guarantee will be provided by regional partners to ensure that Hamas, and the factions, comply with their obligations and that New Gaza poses no threat to its neighbors or its people.
  15. The United States will work with Arab and international partners to develop a temporary International Stabilization Force (ISF) to immediately deploy in Gaza. The ISF will train and provide support to vetted Palestinian police forces in Gaza, and will consult with Jordan and Egypt who have extensive experience in this field. This force will be the long-term internal security solution. The ISF will work with Israel and Egypt to help secure border areas, along with newly trained Palestinian police forces. It is critical to prevent munitions from entering Gaza and to facilitate the rapid and secure flow of goods to rebuild and revitalize Gaza. A deconfliction mechanism will be agreed upon by the parties.
  16. Israel will not occupy or annex Gaza. As the ISF establishes control and stability, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) will withdraw based on standards, milestones, and timeframes linked to demilitarization that will be agreed upon between the IDF, ISF, the guarantors, and the Unites States, with the objective of a secure Gaza that no longer poses a threat to Israel, Egypt, or its citizens. Practically, the IDF will progressively hand over the Gaza territory it occupies to the ISF according to an agreement they will make with the transitional authority until they are withdrawn completely from Gaza, save for a security perimeter presence that will remain until Gaza is properly secure from any resurgent terror threat.
  17. In the event Hamas delays or rejects this proposal, the above, including the scaled-up aid operation, will proceed in the terror-free areas handed over from the IDF to the ISF.
  18. An interfaith dialogue process will be established based on the values of tolerance and peaceful co-existence to try and change mindsets and narratives of Palestinians and Israelis by emphasizing the benefits that can be derived from peace.
  19. While Gaza redevelopment advances and when the PA reform program is faithfully carried out, the conditions may finally be in place for a credible pathway to Palestinian self-determination and statehood, which we recognize as the aspiration of the Palestinian people.
  20. The United States will establish a dialogue between Israel and the Palestinians to agree on a political horizon for peaceful and prosperous co-existence.

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