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This article argues that the Trump administration should recognize Somaliland for both moral and strategic reasons.

Moral reasons:

  • Somaliland has a right to recognition as it has built a functioning, democratic state after enduring repression, genocide, and international neglect.

  • The people of Somaliland have earned the right to be recognized as an independent nation after decades of hardship.

Strategic reasons:

  • Military Base: Recognizing Somaliland would allow the U.S. to establish a military base in a strategically important location, providing access to the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. This would enhance America’s ability to monitor and respond to threats in the region, including terrorism, piracy, and the growing influence of China and Russia. The deepwater Port of Berbera and the Berbera Airbase are specifically mentioned as valuable assets.

  • Counterbalance to China and Russia: Somaliland could serve as a counterbalance to China’s growing presence in Djibouti and Russia’s potential naval base in Sudan.

  • Economic Partnership: Somaliland offers potential economic opportunities, including access to rare earth minerals.

  • Regional Stability: Somaliland is presented as a stable, pro-Western democracy in a volatile region, making it a reliable partner for the United States.

  • Counter-Terrorism: A partnership with Somaliland could help the U.S. counter ISIS and al-Shabaab.

  • Red Sea Security: Access to Somaliland’s ports and airbases would improve the U.S.’s ability to secure vital trade routes in the Red Sea, especially against threats like Houthi attacks.

In essence, the authors argue that recognizing Somaliland is a strategic opportunity for the U.S. to gain a reliable partner in a volatile region, advance its national security and economic interests, and promote stability.

The complete article is as follows:

Why the Trump Administration Should Recognize SomalilandWhy the Trump Administration Should Recognize Somaliland

Recognizing Somaliland is more than a moral imperative for the United States. It is also a strategic opportunity. 

By Alec Birnbach and Benjamin Fogel

In a region characterized by chaos, the Republic of Somaliland—an unrecognized state located in northern Somalia, along the north coast of the Horn of Africa—is an oasis of stability. Roughly six million Somalilanders occupy a stretch of arid land hostile to human survival. However, this self-governing statelet has demonstrated that a nascent pro-Western democracy can thrive even in the harshest conditions. A new bill in Congress to formally recognize Somaliland as an independent nation offers the United States a unique opportunity to back its rhetoric with decisive action—and realign East Africa policy with American interests.

Accepting the reality of Somaliland sovereignty is the morally right decision. It could also engender a deal that would directly benefit the American people and advance America’s national security, economic interests, and political concerns. Somaliland’s strategic position and stable government should lead US negotiators to seek exclusive basing rights, favored trade status, and access in an area filled with hostile actors.

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Somaliland Is Already a Country

Somaliland was historically separate and ethnically distinct from the rest of modern Somalia which lies to its southeast. The principal inhabitants of Somaliland, the Isaaq clan, have lived on the coastal strip for centuries. The Isaaq Sultanate, with Hargeisa as its capital, ruled until the 1884 establishment of British Somaliland. Soon after, the Kingdom of Italy created Italian Somaliland on the southeastern coast with Mogadishu as its capital. Though the two countries were both described as “Somaliland,” they were administered separately for decades, and each developed its own traditions and customs.

In 1960, British Somaliland secured independence. Amidst pan-Somali fervor, the former Italian Somaliland joined its northern neighbor to form a united Somali Republic. But immediate divisions emerged as southern Somali clans politically marginalized their northern cousins. When Mohammad Siad Barre dissolved the government in a 1969 coup, he unleashed a wave of political repression against political opposition from minority clans in the north. After Barre launched a disastrous invasion of Ethiopia, an acute economic and refugee crisis metastasized in the north.

As the Barre regime grew more despotic, groups from the northern Isaaq clans began military resistance, leading to Somalia’s first civil war. From 1981 to 1991, Isaaq guerrilla forces waged Somaliland’s war for independence. Barre’s forces responded by systematically targeting the Isaaq people—killing approximately 200,000 civilians in what has become known as the Isaaq genocide.

When the regime collapsed in 1991, the northern clan leaders formally declared independence for the Republic of Somaliland. Since its establishment, as other states in the region fall apart, Somaliland has built up the necessary services of a well-functioning state: it has an independent military, a diplomatic corps, a currency, and even an internationally-recognized passport. The Somalilanders adopted a Western-style constitution in 2001; since then, they have held four consecutive free, fair, and peaceful elections—most recently last November.

Despite these achievements, Somaliland has yet to obtain international recognition. That does not mean the country has been completely isolated from Western capitals; several countries maintain a diplomatic presence in Hargeisa—including the United Kingdom—and Somaliland has a representative in Washington, DC. In recent years, high-ranking American officials have regularly sought and engaged the President of Somaliland to discuss advancing bilateral relations.

In 2024, Ethiopia signed an MOU with Somaliland, promising diplomatic recognition in exchange for port access. Although a hostile response from Mogadishu stalled recognition, the promise has renewed Somalilander hopes of securing acceptance of its de facto independence.

America Has Much to Gain from Somaliland Recognition

Recognizing Somaliland is more than a moral imperative for the United States. It is also a strategic opportunity. After enduring decades of repression, genocide, and international neglect, Somaliland has emerged as a stable, democratic partner-in-waiting in one of the world’s most volatile regions. As great power competition intensifies, the jihadist terror threat persists, and the Red Sea becomes a flashpoint for global trade and military confrontation, a deal recognizing Somaliland offers America a unique chance to promote vital national interests.

In a recognition deal, the United States and Somaliland could reach a basing agreement that enables America to secure its ability to freely operate in the Horn of Africa and the Gulf of Aden. Somaliland could offer access to its deepwater Port of Berbera, a practical way to sustain regional readiness and safeguard freedom of navigation through the Bab-el-Mandeb strait. Translating to the “Gate of Tears,” the Strait links the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden and sits just 167 nautical miles north of Berbera. The Strait facilitates over $1 trillion in global commerce annually and is responsible for nearly eight percent of the global oil supply—making it one of the most vital maritime arteries in the world.

Somaliland is also home to East Africa’s longest runway, the Berbera Airbase. Built by the Soviet Union and once designated a NASA Space Shuttle contingency landing site, the airbase could support a range of heavy US military aircraft.

America already has a permanent military installation on the continent—Camp Lemonnier in Djibouti, which borders Somaliland to the west. However, Camp Lemmonier has a new neighbor: China’s first overseas military base. Concerningly, China owns nearly half of Djibouti’s external debt, giving Beijing a powerful lever of influence in a country critical to America’s Africa strategy.

Compared to Djibouti, Somaliland offers greater political stability, a pro-Western outlook, and a more strategically significant position. Even if the United States maintained its main force presence at Camp Lemmonier, redundancy in base access would reduce America’s reliance on Djibouti as China seeks to excise US influence from a strategically important region.

America’s military presence in the Horn of Africa is vital to keep sea lanes open as they come under Houthi fire and Somali piracy, to check expanding Chinese and Russian influence, and slow the advance of ISIS and Al-Shabaab (al-Qaeda). Recent Houthi attacks on commercial shipping have demonstrated the vulnerability of global supply chains, disrupting hundreds of billions of dollars in trade and threatening energy security. At its height, sustained Houthi missile and drone attacks more than halved the oil traffic transiting the strait, and reduced container traffic through the Red Sea by 90 percent.

To deter the Houthis, the US Navy was drawn into costly and consequential combat. In 2025, the USS Harry S. Truman carrier strike group lost three aircraft during the mission to restore freedom of navigation in the Red Sea, including one that fell overboard during combat maneuvers. The intense fighting tempo forced the USS Carney destroyer to leave for two weeks to rearm, temporarily reducing theater combat power. With greater base access in the region, the United States could increase combat, intelligence, and logistics capabilities on the doorstep of the fight.

Access to new military facilities and the emergence of a new security partner would also give U.S. decision-makers and defense planners greater options for countering ISIS and al-Shabaab. As ISIS continues to plan global operations from the peninsula and al-Shabaab aggressively expands in territory, the U.S. would benefit from increased regional military capabilities.

Nor are nuisances like piracy and terrorism the only considerations for the United States. As Russia’s position in Syria collapsed with the fall of Assad, the Kremlin sought new avenues to sustain its Africa Corps mercenary company, the successor to the notorious Wagner Group.

In February, the BBC reported that Khartoum and Moscow finalized a deal allowing Russia to establish a naval base in Port Sudan and bring a permanent Russian presence to the Red Sea. In addition to China’s Red Sea base, recent reporting—since confirmed by the State Department—indicated that China provided targeting support to the Houthis for strikes on US warships and international vessels in the Red Sea. Building the capacity of a new regional partner and bolstering our military and intelligence capabilities could help the United States counter China and Russia’s Africa play.

Lastly, the  should forge an economic partnership with Somaliland that grants preferred trade status to American companies and opportunities to access rare earth minerals. Efforts are reportedly underway to map critical mineral deposits; the US International Development Finance Corporation, which mobilizes American private sector investment in emerging markets, has apparently expressed interests in the country’s economic potential.

These efforts have already been met with some domestic enthusiasm, as a major former Somaliland diplomat has campaigned for US support in exploring commercially viable, unexploited mineral reserves. This presents an opportunity for the United States to lead geological surveys, anchor long-term investment, and diversify a critical mineral supply chain dominated by China—an objective with strong bipartisan support in Washington.

In short, recognizing Somaliland would not only reward a people long denied justice, but also strategically reposition America along a pivotal maritime choke point. The Trump administration has an opportunity to supplant the stagnant status quo with a bold investment in a new strategic relationship. Somaliland stands ready to be a willing and capable partner that can help advance U.S. regional interests at a time when the Horn of Africa and its surrounding waters are growing more important and more volatile.


About the Authors

Alec Birnbach

Alec BirnbachAlec Birnbach is an international affairs analyst with experience supporting U.S. government agencies and private-sector clients on global engagement, diplomacy, and humanitarian policy. He most recently served as a contractor for USAID’s Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance, supporting the agency’s work in East Africa and is a member of Foreign Policy for America’s NextGen 2025 cohort. He began his career in government supporting international development work with the U.S. Peace Corps in Georgia.

Alec holds a B.S. in Psychology from SUNY Cortland and an M.A. in International Affairs from Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), where he concentrated in Conflict Management and Latin American Studies. 

Benjamin Fogel

Benjamin FogelBenjamin Fogel is a national security analyst, currently advising the U.S. Department of Defense on its military training and education of international partners. He is a Next Generation Fellow at NATO Defence College and a frequent commentator on geopolitics. He previously worked as an intelligence analyst with NATO at HQ Allied Air Command and as a researcher for the European Parliament.

Benjamin received his B.A. in History and Behavioral Psychology from the University of Pennsylvania and his M.A. in Strategy, Cybersecurity, and Intelligence from Johns Hopkins SAIS. His published work on emerging technologies and irregular warfare, appearing in major English and Spanish-language media. He was a U.S. Junior Ambassador to the 2020 Munich Security Conference and a 2023 Presidential Management Fellow (PMF) finalist.

Benjamin was also named a “Young Leader” at the 2022 GLOBSEC Bratislava Forum and an “Emerging Leader” by the Latvian Transatlantic Organization. He has lived in London, Geneva, Brussels, Frankfurt, and Bogotá, and now resides in Washington D.C.


The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Saxafi Media.